老外驚呼：中國的黨紀連官員吃飯都管得住！

2012年，那是一個龍年。

那年12月，黨的十八大產(chǎn)生的新一屆中央領(lǐng)導(dǎo)集體通過了《關(guān)于改進工作作風(fēng)、密切聯(lián)系群眾的有關(guān)規(guī)定》，至今已經(jīng)過去十三年，一輪生肖后的蛇年已接近尾聲，馬年的鐘聲都即將敲響。

在這十三年里，八項規(guī)定給國內(nèi)政治生態(tài)帶來的變化肉眼可見：

Thirteen years have passed since the Communist Party of China introduced a code to promote self-discipline and enforce strict governance in December 2012, shortly after Xi Jinping was elected general secretary of the CPC Central Committee.

The concise yet powerful Eight-Point Regulation, aimed at improving Party and government conduct and curbing bureaucracy, extravagance and corruption, has since become an important cornerstone of modern Chinese governance.

Over the past decade, the Eight-Point Regulation has reshaped the work style of officials, strengthened discipline within the Party, and, according to both domestic and foreign observers, changed the social behavior of officials in China. What began as a list of behavioral rules for leading officials has evolved into a prevailing spirit and a commitment to discipline and responsibility among all Party members.

2016年以來，全國紀檢監(jiān)察機關(guān)共查處群眾身邊不正之風(fēng)和腐敗問題220.9萬個，給予黨紀政務(wù)處分183萬人，移送檢察機關(guān)7.3萬人。相信每天刷視頻號、公眾號、微博抖音快手的讀者們也都知道，動輒就有各級官員落馬，反腐成了大小官員都不敢隨意觸碰的高壓線，據(jù)二十屆中紀委四次全會工作報告披露，直到2024年全國還有2.5萬人主動投案。

但腐敗不是中國獨有的問題，反腐也是全球都要面臨的艱巨任務(wù)。無論中外，八項規(guī)定都是現(xiàn)代國家治理學(xué)科的重要研究對象，其鐵腕治腐的成就和刀刃向內(nèi)的勇氣更是多位學(xué)者重點關(guān)注的課題。

As corruption scandals trouble many parts of the world, domestic and foreign scholars and observers have begun examining the regulation's meaning beyond the Chinese context, and see it as part of China's broader contribution to global governance and a model of institutional self-reform.

老外驚呼：

中國的黨紀連官員吃飯都管得住！

中國人民大學(xué)重陽金融研究院高級研究員羅思義（John Ross）在接受我們專訪時就表示，“這一規(guī)則（八項規(guī)定）清楚地表明了中國在應(yīng)對腐敗問題上的做法，與西方制度中缺乏此類機制形成了鮮明對比。”

在他看來，八項規(guī)定及2017年出臺的實施細則一個十分突出的特點是，不僅涵蓋諸如多調(diào)研、密切聯(lián)系群眾等重大問題，而且具體規(guī)范了領(lǐng)導(dǎo)干部的公務(wù)用餐、公務(wù)出行等具體細節(jié)，這個特點反映出與西方在執(zhí)政黨內(nèi)部紀律治理思路上的根本差異。

長期來華活動的他，觀察到八項規(guī)定以后一個很有意思的現(xiàn)象，那就是公務(wù)宴請活動明顯減少、出行規(guī)定趨緊、公務(wù)禮儀也更加簡化，而這一切都是八項規(guī)定立竿見影的效果。

"The regulation clearly shows the difference between China's approach to dealing with corruption and the absence of such mechanisms in the Western system," John Ross, a senior fellow at the Chongyang Institute for Financial Studies, Renmin University of China, told China Daily.

"It's enough to look at how China’s rules extend from major issues down to details such as official meals and business trips to see the complete difference in approach."

Ross was referring to the details of the Party’s disciplinary measures. In the early years following the adoption of the regulation they were often discussed in the context of lifestyle changes among officials — banquets were reduced, travel policies tightened, and protocol simplified.

“八項規(guī)定能管官員生活”，這也是西方媒體和學(xué)者都關(guān)注的點。早在2014年，也就是八項規(guī)定出臺一年多之后，英國廣播公司（BBC）的報道指出：“八項規(guī)定的一些直接效果包括：高檔月餅逐漸消失，高端香煙和烈酒價格大幅下降，以及風(fēng)景名勝區(qū)和歷史文化區(qū)域內(nèi)大量會所和高檔餐廳的關(guān)閉。”

而在英國諾丁漢大學(xué)2019年一篇博士學(xué)位論文中，作者以深圳為例，已經(jīng)開始探討八項規(guī)定的成就了：

“違反八項規(guī)定的案件數(shù)量持續(xù)下降，表明干部更加重視整治‘四風(fēng)’問題，并更加注重自身的日常行為規(guī)范，這可以被視為重塑公眾對政府信任、推進反腐斗爭的一個良好開端。”

A 2019 doctoral thesis submitted to the University of Nottingham described several direct outcomes of the policy.

"Some immediate impacts of the Eight-Point Regulation include the disappearance of luxurious mooncakes, a steep drop in the prices of high-end cigarettes and spirits, and the closure of many clubhouses and upscale restaurants in scenic and historic areas," the author noted, citing BBC reports.

"Following this trend, the number of violations of the Eight-Point Regulation has been reducing dramatically."

以小見大，羅思義指出，八項規(guī)定鐵腕治腐的背后是中國共產(chǎn)黨杰出的社會治理能力。他還特意提到，這一結(jié)論在他的新書《百年大變局：中國與世界》中也有記載，他有足夠的自信自己的論斷經(jīng)得起時間的檢驗。

Ross, citing his new book

Profound Changes Unseen in a Century: The World and China

治腐敗需要剛性的制度，

更需要剛性的執(zhí)行

北京師范大學(xué)馬克思主義學(xué)院副院長、教授楊增崠的關(guān)注點不太一樣。在他看來，八項規(guī)定的成功不僅在于定下了嚴格的制度與規(guī)矩，更在于嚴格且持續(xù)地執(zhí)行。

楊增崠在接受《中國日報》采訪時指出：“嚴明的紀律是中國共產(chǎn)黨反腐敗取得成效的關(guān)鍵。與所謂的‘權(quán)力分立’模式相比，真正遏制腐敗的不是權(quán)力在形式上的分散，而是規(guī)則的權(quán)威以及執(zhí)行規(guī)則的能力。”

他表示，八項規(guī)定最初主要針對高級領(lǐng)導(dǎo)干部，但此后已逐步擴展至全體黨員和公職人員，體現(xiàn)了這一制度的成熟性。

“剛出臺時，它的重點是約束領(lǐng)導(dǎo)層的行為，”楊增崠說，“但隨著時間推移，這一規(guī)定不僅沒有弱化，反而不斷演進和強化。如今，在‘八項規(guī)定精神’的理念下，它覆蓋的對象更加廣泛，并持續(xù)指導(dǎo)著干部如何與公眾互動。”

楊增崠強調(diào)，中國共產(chǎn)黨長期堅持落實八項規(guī)定，展現(xiàn)出一種獨特的自我治理能力：“在一個不斷變化的世界中，黨能夠長期維持這樣一套行之有效的制度安排，體現(xiàn)了堅定的決心和治理能力。并不是世界上每一個政治組織都能夠開展這種持續(xù)不斷的自我紀律教育。”

Yang Zengdong, vice-dean of the School of Marxism at Beijing Normal University, said the success of the Eight-Point Regulation lies in its disciplined implementation rather than in its words alone.

"Strong discipline is the key to the CPC’s success in combating corruption,” Yang said in an interview with China Daily. "Compared with the so-called 'partition of power' model, what truly curbs corruption is not the mere separation of authority, but the power of rules and the ability to enforce them."

Yang said while the regulation initially targeted senior officials, it has since expanded to apply to all Party members and government employees, reflecting its "institutional maturity".

"When it was first issued, it was meant to restrain the behavior of top leaders," he said. "But over time, it has evolved and strengthened rather than weakened. Today, it governs a much broader group under the concept known as the 'spirit of the Eight-Point Regulation', and this spirit continues to guide how officials interact with the public."

He emphasized that the CPC’s enduring commitment to the regulation demonstrates a unique capacity for self-governance.

"In a world undergoing constant changes, the Party's ability to sustain such an effective and long-term institutional framework shows both determination and capability," Yang said. "Not every political organization in the world can conduct this kind of continuous self-discipline education."

楊增崠的這一看法，在某種程度上反映了國內(nèi)學(xué)界和輿論界對于腐敗認識的變遷。曾幾何時，英國阿克頓勛爵的名言“絕對的權(quán)力導(dǎo)致絕對的腐敗”被很多學(xué)者奉為經(jīng)典，但隨著我國社會科學(xué)的不斷發(fā)展，人們對于腐敗現(xiàn)象有了更深的認識，理解了其復(fù)雜的成因和背后社會治理的諸多問題，并更多從社會治理失敗的角度去理解腐敗。

為什么美國國會里有那么多

“史密斯專員”？

由此，西方社會無法根除腐敗的原因越發(fā)清晰。西式多黨制民主能讓多個黨派輪流執(zhí)政，但誰又能保證這些輪流執(zhí)政的黨派不會撈一把就走呢？反正又不用長久負責(zé)，四年后就換人了，不撈白不撈嘛！

羅思義對這點研究得十分透徹。他引用中共中央紀律檢查委員會的數(shù)據(jù)顯示，自2012年以來，已有數(shù)以萬計的干部因違紀違法問題受到調(diào)查，但案件發(fā)生的總體頻率持續(xù)下降，這表明我國反腐機制正在起效果。

相比之下的美國就顯得有些凌亂了。基于其對西方社會的了解，羅思義舉了大洋彼岸的例子：“美國國會的大多數(shù)議員都是百萬富翁。他們在法律上被允許購買那些受到其所通過法律或所監(jiān)督調(diào)查影響的公司股票。與此同時，企業(yè)還會花費數(shù)億美元為他們的競選活動提供資金支持。”

這是有根據(jù)的——根據(jù)事實核查網(wǎng)站PolitiFact.org的一份報告，2020年美國大約一半的立法者都坐擁百萬美元以上的財產(chǎn)，而普通公眾中這一比例僅約為1%。

西方人羅思義對此的看法是：“西式民主一直與逐利行為和腐敗現(xiàn)象相伴而生。企業(yè)和個人經(jīng)常通過金錢捐助來換取政治上的好處。”

Data from the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection of the CPC shows that tens of thousands of officials have been investigated for violations since 2012, but the overall frequency of cases has steadily declined, indicating that deterrence and self-restraint have taken root.

Ross contrasted China’s system with that of the United States.

"The majority of members of the US Congress are millionaires," he said. "They are legally allowed to purchase shares in companies affected by the laws they pass or the investigations they oversee. Meanwhile, corporations spend hundreds of millions of dollars funding their campaigns."

In 2020, approximately half of US lawmakers were millionaires, compared with only about 1 percent of the general public, according to a PolitiFact.org report.

"The Western form of democracy has always been linked to moneymaking and corruption," Ross said. "Companies and individuals frequently receive favors in exchange for financial contributions."

他信手拈來一個在美國輿論場上影響極大的案例。據(jù)報道，美國最高法院大法官克拉倫斯·托馬斯在二十多年的時間里接受了來自德州億萬富翁、共和黨捐贈人哈蘭·克勞提供的奢華旅行套餐，包括私人飛機出行和一次價值超過50萬美元的印尼九天游艇之旅。

“當連司法機關(guān)都被視為與金錢緊密相連時，很難再說西方民主制度能夠防止腐敗，”羅思義表示，甚至連美國總統(tǒng)職位本身也已成為大規(guī)模籌款活動的平臺。

腐敗丑聞也時不時震動歐洲。荷蘭廣播公司NH報道，阿姆斯特丹一名市政工作人員在十月中旬被指控貪污，而且在全國至少95起暴力事件中存在共謀行為。據(jù)稱，該工作人員向信息中介出售機密數(shù)據(jù)，中介再將其交給負責(zé)襲擊和爆炸的犯罪團伙。

這個故事告訴我們，腐敗不僅要老百姓的錢，還要老百姓的命。

在立陶宛，自由運動黨前領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人因接受MG Baltic財團高管的賄賂，于2023年被定罪。當?shù)孛襟w諷刺稱這是“老式腐敗案件”，因為立陶宛國家反貪機構(gòu)在他家中和車內(nèi)共發(fā)現(xiàn)了24.2萬歐元的現(xiàn)金，而歐洲查處的很多腐敗分子早已進化了版本，通過比特幣收受賄賂了。

根據(jù)歐盟司法合作機構(gòu)Eurojust的數(shù)據(jù)，2016年至2021年間，共登記了505起腐敗案件，其中2016年為78起，2021年增至112起。分析人士指出，案件數(shù)量的增加在一定程度上反映了執(zhí)法力度的增強，但也顯示出腐敗在歐洲機構(gòu)中具有持續(xù)的結(jié)構(gòu)性特征。

He cited a series of examples that have stirred public debate in the US. Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas, for example, reportedly accepted luxury trips over more than two decades from Texas billionaire and Republican donor Harlan Crow, including private jet flights and a nine-day yacht cruise in Indonesia worth over half a million dollars.

"When even the judiciary is seen as financially entangled, it becomes hard to argue that Western democracy is a safeguard against corruption," Ross said, adding that the US presidency itself has become a platform for massive fundraising efforts. "It is only necessary to look at these facts to see that the claim that Western democracy prevents officials from profiting is false," he added.

Corruption scandals have also periodically shaken Europe. In the Netherlands, a municipal employee in Amsterdam was charged in mid-October with corruption and complicity in at least 95 violent incidents across the country, Dutch broadcaster NH reported. The employee allegedly sold confidential data to information brokers, who then passed it to criminal groups responsible for attacks and explosions, showing how breaches of integrity can directly threaten public safety.

In Lithuania, the former leader of the Liberal Movement party was convicted in 2023 for accepting bribes from an executive at the MG Baltic conglomerate. Local media mockingly described it as an "old-fashioned corruption case" because, unlike the more popular practice of accepting bribes via bitcoin, he was found by national anti-graft police to have 242,000 euros ($269,000) hidden in his home and car.

According to Eurojust, the EU agency for judicial cooperation, a total of 505 corruption cases were registered between 2016 and 2021, a sharp rise from 78 in 2016 to 112 in 2021. Analysts note that while the growing number of cases partly reflects stronger enforcement, it also points to the persistent structural nature of corruption in European institutions.

赤裸裸的低級腐敗

原汁原味的西方民主國家尚且如此，那些學(xué)了他們皮毛的西式民主國家的情況更加不難想象。國家發(fā)展和改革委員會國際合作中心研究員、以印度研究聞名的毛克疾表示，在那些沒有相應(yīng)文化支撐卻采納西式選舉制度的國家，腐敗往往更為普遍，比如他所研究的印度。

“在印度，腐敗幾乎成為日常生活的一部分，”毛克疾不無痛心地表示，“它表現(xiàn)為最基本的形式，比如賄選。理論上民主可以約束當權(quán)者，但在印度這樣的欠發(fā)達經(jīng)濟體中，人們傾向于以很低的價格把自己手里的選票賣出去，以這種形式上臺的當選者自然會通過腐敗來收回成本。”

2013年，《今日印度》的一篇報道顯示，在北方邦，“超過100個領(lǐng)取政府資金的機構(gòu)只是紙面存在。”

Mao Keji, a research fellow at the National Development and Reform Commission's International Cooperation Center, known for his studies on India, said that countries adopting Western-style electoral systems without equivalent institutional culture often see corruption take different, sometimes more pervasive, forms.

"In India, corruption is almost part of daily life," Mao said. "It manifests in basic forms such as vote-buying. While democracy can theoretically restrain power, in underdeveloped economies, people tend to sell votes cheaply, and those who gain office then use it to recover their costs through corruption."

A 2013 India Today report revealed that in Uttar Pradesh state, "over 100 institutions receiving government funds existed only on paper".

“在整個南亞，許多以英國制度為模型的民主國家，通過選舉并未減少腐敗，”毛克疾補充道。“相比之下，新加坡雖不被視為西式民主，但卻實現(xiàn)了全球公認的清廉高效治理。”

毛克疾進一步指出，從更深層次看，反腐敗是國家治理能力的一部分。“通過《八項規(guī)定》等措施，中國有效遏制了貪腐，加強了治理能力，為完成‘十四五’規(guī)劃（2021-2025年）并為下一個規(guī)劃奠定基礎(chǔ)創(chuàng)造了有利條件，”他說。

"Across South Asia, many democracies modeled on the British system have not reduced corruption through elections,” he added. “By contrast, Singapore, though not considered a Western-style democracy, has achieved globally recognized clean and efficient governance."

At a deeper level, Mao argued, anti-corruption is part of national governance capacity. "Through the Eight-Point Regulation and similar measures, China has effectively curbed graft, strengthened its governance, and created favorable conditions to complete the 14th Five-Year Plan (2021-25) while preparing the next," he said.

下一個五年計劃也是德國學(xué)者沃爾夫拉姆·阿多爾菲（Wolfram Adolphi）的興趣所在。

研究中國已有近四十年的他非常關(guān)注今年十月召開的中國共產(chǎn)黨第二十屆中央委員會第四次全體會議。他認為，這次會議是中國治理理念——紀律性、延續(xù)性和自我改革——在“十五五”規(guī)劃（2026-2030年）中得到進一步體現(xiàn)的機會。

阿多爾菲在接受《中國日報》采訪時表示：“在瞬息萬變的世界中，中國無疑成為穩(wěn)定的錨點。它得益于近50年來以長期規(guī)劃和領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力為基礎(chǔ)的穩(wěn)健現(xiàn)代化進程。這種連續(xù)性在當今國際政治中十分罕見。”

他還指出，未來的治理不應(yīng)被框定為制度之間的對抗，而應(yīng)以互相學(xué)習(xí)為方向。

“未來應(yīng)屬于全人類共享，”他說。“世界所需要的不是制度競爭，而是對話、交流和共同進步。”

Wolfram Adolphi is a German political scientist who has studied China for nearly four decades.

He said he followed with great interest the fourth plenary session of the 20th CPC Central Committee, held in October. He viewed the meeting as an opportunity for China’s governance concepts, namely discipline, continuity, and self-reform, to be further reflected in the 15th Five-Year Plan (2026-30).

"China now undoubtedly serves as an anchor of stability in a fast-changing world," Adolphi told China Daily. "It reaps the benefits of nearly 50 years of steady modernization based on long-term planning and leadership. This consistency is rare in global politics today."

He added that the future of governance should not be framed as rivalry between systems, but as mutual learning.

"The future should be shared between all peoples," he said. "Rather than system competition, what the world needs is dialogue, exchange, and shared progress."

記者：張周項